On Tuesday, October 14, more than 140,000 workers demonstrated in Brussels against the government’s plans to change pension rights. They came from all parts of the country and from all sectors.
In some sectors or companies, a strike had been called; in others, activists and delegates attended the demonstration. The railway union supported the action but did not call for a strike, so as to ensure that demonstrators from other areas could travel smoothly to Brussels.
Several union activists said this was the largest trade union demonstration they had ever experienced—larger even than the one held in February against the same government.
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The action had been called several months ago by the three national trade union federations (the socialist, the Christian, and the liberal), and a campaign was carried out for weeks, including through social media.
It was not an all-out strike, but in practice, those who went to Brussels were on strike. The fact that the action was nonetheless such a success demonstrates the depth of dissatisfaction and anger, and shows the potential for further mobilization.
Since December 2024, various sectors such as education and healthcare have taken action. Railway workers have gone on strike several times earlier this year, including a 24-hour strike in May. While actions usually quiet down somewhat in the summer, a call for the October protest was already issued in July—shortly after the coalition reached an agreement on pension reform.
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Under the proposed reform, more years of work would be required for a full pension, and in many cases, people would receive less upon retirement, as periods of unemployment or illness would no longer count. Women in particular, as well as workers who have been ill for extended periods, would be severely affected. The government justifies these measures by claiming that “the money has run out,” that the state’s debt is too high to pass on to future generations, and that aging and high public expenditures make the system unsustainable.
But public anger erupted when the government decided to spend billions on weapons. Suddenly, there was money for that.
The government insists that spending—especially on social security—must be reduced because it is supposedly too high, yet there is no discussion at all about revenue. Companies continue to receive tax breaks and reductions in social security contributions. Moreover, the government itself has failed for years to meet its own obligations, neglecting to make the necessary contributions to ensure sufficient reserves to deal with population aging.
The pension proposals still need to be approved in parliament, and coalition partners are trying to secure changes in their favor. Meanwhile, the prime minister was expected to present his budget-cutting plans for 2026–2029 to parliament on Tuesday, October 14. His much-anticipated “state of the union” speech was postponed by a week due to internal disagreements within the coalition.
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The leaders of the largest trade unions expressed hope that talks could take place with the government. The chairman of the socialist ABVV-FGTB said he hoped that, after the demonstration, the government would invite them to discuss how the “necessary” reforms could be implemented in a “humane way.” The chairwoman of the Christian ACV-CSC spoke of possible “adjustments” through dialogue.
This cautious and moderate stance stands in sharp contrast to the comments of grassroots trade union activists, who stated that “the resignation of this government” should be the minimum demand.
The mainstream media are doing everything possible to downplay the importance of the protest and the determination of the demonstrators. Some outlets, for example, reported only 80,000 participants. In TV programs, commentators described the protest as a “worn-out ritual,” part of an outdated cycle of strikes and demonstrations in a “new era.” Economics professors were brought in to argue that there is no alternative but to make cuts. The reality, however, is that future generations will face more poverty and fewer opportunities in society.
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Just like the trade unions, coalition parties such as Vooruit (Flemish social democratic party), CD&V, and Les Engagés (both former Christian-democratic centrist parties) do not deny the need for cuts but insist that “the strongest shoulders must bear the heaviest load.” At best, this results in token measures—such as a small tax on certain stock profits—which would bring in only about 500 million euros. The PVDA-PTB (the main left wing party of Belgium) takes a sharper stance, calling for a wealth tax. Yet, even in such proposals, there is little acknowledgment that the entire economic system is flawed and needs to be fundamentally changed.
There is, however, a growing awareness that the rich are not contributing their fair share. The enormous salaries of ministers and members of parliament are also seen as intolerable.
There is widespread understanding that further action will be necessary. Pressure from the rank and file on the leadership must increase to force the drawing up of a real action plan. The government, weakened by internal divisions within the coalition, is vulnerable.
The teachers’ union has already called for the next action in November.
According to recent polls, the coalition would no longer win a majority if elections were held today. This makes it the right moment to continue and escalate the movement. The government’s plans must be more widely explained, and preparations should begin for regional strikes and demonstrations leading up to a national 24-hour strike.
