1. Revealing the brutal face
The bombing and abduction of the elected president of Venezuela, Nicholas Maduro, was an act of war without even the usual pretexes. The US government did not try to gather support from its allies, and even by-passed both Democrats and Republicans in Congress. In that sense, it is characteristic of the new era of imperialism in times of crisis: the facade of “rules-based international order” is shed, the norms of “checks and balances” of Western “democracies” dumped and the brute force is revealed as the only thing that decides politics.
That was always the case in the final analysis, but capitalists were trying to save face by masking their foreign policy to rally support from the majority of the population.
Trump did not change the essence of US imperialism’s foreign policy, but gave it a more brutal face.
2. What is the target of the attacks?
The official line that Maduro’s abduction and the military attack on Venezuela is to stop illegal drug trade is laughable and totally unsubstantiated. Venezuela does not produce illegal drugs on a massive scale and most of the US’s illegal drugs imports come from the Pacific, not the Gulf of Mexico.
The real objectives of the current attack are:
- Oil and Natural Resources: Venezuela holds the largest proven oil reserves on the planet, over 300 billion barrels, about 17 per cent of the global total. Having the US oil giants control this asset is crucial for the battle for world domination in the energy sector. The country also holds big amounts of gold, minerals and rare earths.
- Reasserting Hegemony in the Western Hemisphere: Senior US officials have framed the intervention within a revived Monroe-style policy of hemispheric dominance, explicitly aimed at re-establishing unchallenged US political, economic, and military primacy in Latin America and deterring rival powers. Venezuela has been one of the largest recipients of Chinese loans and energy-sector investment, and from 2025 China was the principal buyer of Venezuelan oil. Taking Venezuela out of China’s orbit is part of the broader Trump-Rubio strategy to limit Beijing’s influence in Latin America and globally.
- Punishing Venezuela to make an example: An additional factor is the recent history of the country, in which the Bolivarian regime defied US interests, kicked out US multinationals and developed close ties with Cuba, especially during the Chávez era. The fact that the US tried to topple the regime several times over the past 25 years and was defeated, made Venezuela a thorn in the eye of US imperialism in many ways.
3. Will it be successful?
The idea that by abducting Maduro the US would be able to “run” the country and bring down the regime was not realistic in the first place. The next day of the abduction Secretary of State Marco Rubio made it clear that the US is not considering “boots on the ground” (i.e., a military invasion and occupation). The other two options for regime change are:
- To provoke a civil war sending money and arms to the opposition. It seems that this scenario was considered and ruled out for the moment because the opposition is fragmented, weak and not enjoying sufficient support from the population. This is the main reason why Trump threw Machado (the recent Nobel Peace Prize winner) under the bus saying she doesn’t have the respect in her country. In the longer term though it cannot be excluded.
- To try to find elements of the Maduro regime who can serve as Trump lackeys in order to have a “smoother” transition. It seems that this option is the one they are currently working on. At the moment Delcy Rodríguez, Maduro’s vice president who was sworn in his place, is engaged in discussions with US officials and has even stated that “We extend an invitation to the government of the US to work jointly on an agenda of cooperation…”. At the same time, she has also made other statements, somewhat more combative, so the situation is still fluid.
Even if the latter scenario is indeed successful, it does not mean that it will be smooth or that it will solve the conflict of interests that is taking place in Venezuelan soil.
4. What is the geopolitical aspect?
Venezuela seems to be the next country where the global rivalry for domination will play out. The US and NATO countries are desperately trying to retain their influence taking advantage of their military superiority. China and the rising bloc around it are trying to establish dominance based on their rising economic capabilities.
This rivalry about which power will be the capitalist leader of the planet cannot be “settled” nor arrived at by consensus and common agreement.
This rivalry can only bring death and misery to the people of Venezuela as it did with the people of Iraq, Libya, Syria and so many other countries.
Seeing the bigger picture, the fact that the two superpowers cannot engage in a direct full-out war (since they both have nuclear arms and it will mean mutual total destruction), the process that was previously solved through World Wars now takes a more de-centralised and protracted character, with vicious local power struggles.
5. Can the decline of US imperialism be reversed?
The recent successful abduction of Maduro, the bombing of Iran, the decapitation of Hezbollah, the ousting of Assad in Syria, the ceasefire deal between Hamas and Israel about Palestine, the air strikes in Nigeria etc have created a question in people’s minds: can the trajectory of the fall of the relative strength of US and Western imperialism be halted or reversed?
Trump has adopted a new, more proactive stance on this issue. He reflects the position of a part of the ruling class that adopts a more aggressive policy towards China, Russia, the BRICS, ect. They want to cling to their dominant position by the use of excessive force, tearing down norms of “international order” since they can’t govern the world as they did in the past.
This policy can have an effect for a period of time. It can stall the process of decline for a while, giving Western imperialism a certain room to maneuver. It can spread the sense that the US can act with impunity facilitating genocides and changing regimes – which can have repercussions for people around the world and their morale in fighting for a better future.
But even if those bold moves don’t backfire (which they will, at least in some cases) they can’t solve the underlying problem of US imperialism: as any other empire in history, it has stopped being the more dynamic part of the world economy (in terms of GDP growth, productivity growth, rate of investment and other key economic elements). Trump can take advantage of the established military and political strength and impose policies, but he can’t completely stop the ascent of China and other countries, which are growing faster than the US. The idea that the US can dictate what is happening in the world (the “Pax Americana”) cannot be revived. Afterall, they tried the Pax Americana narrative in the 1990s, but it did not survive for long.
6. What is the character of the Maduro regime?
Trump calls the Maduro regime “socialist” and portrays the recent US actions as part of the “fight against communism” in the region, invoking Cold War talking points.
The truth is that the Maduro regime cannot in any way be characterised as socialist, even though it employs radical language.
When Chávez was elected president of Venezuela in 1999, he initiated a process of pro-working class and pro-poor reforms, based on the high price price and revenues from oil at the time, that indeed lifted the living standards of the population. Under attacks by US imperialism and the local ruling class, he was forced to go further, and implemented some radical positive reforms that were unheard of at the time of neoliberal domination.
But even then, Chávez was constantly looking for compromises and a “middle road” between pro-poor policies and the capitalists, never really challenging their power.
After Chávez’s death, which coincided with the fall in oil prices, Maduro rolled back much of the gains of the Chávez era, implementing neoliberal policies as a response to the US embargo. These included the “dollarisation” of the economy (which increased inequalities) and privatisations (or incentives to investors, joint ventures, ect).
While under Chávez Venezuela inequality sharply reduced, under Maduro it sharply increased. Obviously, US sanctions imposed untold suffering to the Venezuelan people. The government, instead of organising a plan to differentiate production and nationalise parts of the economy, it let the rich get richer and the poor get poorer.
This trajectory explains the falling support for the regime and the need for more policing and authoritarian practices.
7. What’s the situation inside Venezuela?
Criticism and the struggle against the Maduro regime cannot in any way be confused with any tolerance, not to mention support, towards US intervention. US interference can only worsen the situation for working people in the country. Trump is not interested in “democracy” nor “rights”. He is only interested in securing Venezuela for the interests of his class.
There cannot be any trust in the ruling class or the regime of Venezuela that they are going to properly organise the struggle against US imperialism. A part of them will go over to the strongest side, and even those who will not, do not have the approach that the people can be the ones to be at the forefront of the struggle against imperialism.
In these conditions, the only social force that can play this role is the independently organised working class, using the structures already in place (Communal Councils, trade unions, cooperatives, popular militias, social movements, ect) where they exist or creating new ones. The government has announced that more than 4 million Venezuelans have enlisted in militias. If the government claims it will resist US intervention, it should arm all those who want to fight against the imperialist attack. This will send a strong message to the US and will make them think again about the cost of their intervention. In order for the militias to achieve their desired role they need to function democratically and be based in the barrios, factories, ect.
All US assets must be nationalised without compensation. The commanding heights of the economy must be owned and run by the workers to serve the burning needs of the time and to be ready to push back against the economic blockade/sanctions. It is clear in this respect that the policies followed by Maduro have failed to do that, have placed the burden on the working peoples’ back instead of on the capitalists, and thus have eroded the support of the regime (this is also shown by the number of votes for the Chavista camp which at the time of Chávez grew from 3,5m to more than 8m, under Maduro fell gradually to approx 5m).
That is the only way US imperialism’s offensive can be pushed back.
8. What should the movements in the US and NATO countries do?
It is important that working-class people and the youth in the US and the NATO/Western countries organise with the aim to stop the imperialist war machine through protests, disruption and strikes. The Venezuela operation will not be a walk in his back yard for Trump. Already his approval ratings are falling and in recent polls the majority of Americans do not support the attack on Venezuela (both before and after Maduro’s kidnapping). This has also created cracks not only between Democrats and Republicans but also inside the MAGA camp.
The “national unity” narrative in the epoch of militarisation and a new mad arms race must be rejected, as it will only bring cuts in living standards and more war fronts and bloodshed.
To counter the decaying capitalist killing spree, working-class, particularly young people need to organise and build anti-war struggles and a real socialist alternative that can challenge this dystopic spiral.
