Introduction
Liberation movements in Africa have, over the past seven decades, campaigned for the emancipation of African countries from colonial rule. Most African countries were under British, French, or Portuguese colonial domination for nearly a century. The independence of Libya in 1951 gave hope to liberation movements across the continent.
These movements eventually succeeded in liberating their people from colonial powers, but many merely replaced external rulers with a new class of local elites. History has shown that liberation movements have largely failed to sustain progressive governance or achieve meaningful development in their countries. Today, all of them are no longer pro-people but have instead become new oppressors. Furthermore, they often serve as proxies for various international interests—from the old imperialist countries -France, UK, US, ect- to new ones -China, Russia, ect.
The freedom achieved in African countries was not won incrementally but through great sacrifice; many people lost their lives in the fight against colonialism. The leaders of these liberation struggles were often widely known figureswho played vital roles in transforming their societies. Among those who played significant roles were Samora Machel, Patrice Lumumba, Nelson Mandela, Kwame Nkrumah, Thomas Sankara, Robert Mugabe, and many others.
These leaders were not the only contributors to the liberation struggle. They helped shape the political ideologies that promised a better future. Pan-African thinkers like Amílcar Cabral and Frantz Fanon influenced generations. In Nigeria, figures such as Nnamdi Azikiwe and Obafemi Awolowo also played crucial roles.
So, the question is, how liberation movements leaders have, in many cases, become new oppressors of the people in their respective countries.
The adoption of neoliberal economic policies has led to increased inequality, poverty, and unemployment—creating fertile ground for corruption and authoritarianism. In order to implement anti-poor policies, these regimes needed a strong police state. The concentration of power in the hands of a few individuals or elites has weakened democratic institutions and eroded civil liberties. The ideological capitulation of the leaderships to capitalist propaganda has also contributed to a lack of direction and purpose for the people. Meanwhile, external influence—whether from Western governments or global corporations—has undermined the newly gained (by name) sovereignty of African states. Internal contradictions, such as ethnic and regional divisions, exacerbated by the grave economic situation, have further complicated things.
These dynamics buried the original ideals and aspirations of liberation movements, resulting in a betrayal of the people’s hopes. The very movements that once promised freedom became the oppressors.
The main feature behind this transition from liberation movements to oppressor governments is the unwillingness of these leaderships to go beyond the framework of capitalism. The imperialist international division of labour has put the whole of Africa in the category of “raw material plundering and cheap labour”. The failure of the new “liberation” governments to challenge this has led to the acceptance of the role of a subcontractor of the major imperialist interests in the region.
Failures of the Liberation Movements in Africa
Some liberation movements in Africa are no longer in power, while those that remain in government face serious challenges from opposition parties and growing dissatisfaction among the masses. Some still enjoy political dominance, but others are struggling to hold onto power.
Working people in many of these countries have lost confidence and trust in these leaders. This disillusionment is reflected in the declining voter turnout in both local and national elections. Many Africans now view their governments and ruling “liberation” parties as kleptocratic regimes that care little for the welfare of citizens. Increasingly, young people and workers are withdrawing from political participation, driven away by corrupt electoral processes and the unethical behaviour of many politicians.
During the liberation struggles, movements were often associated with iconic individual leaders. These figures won the hearts and minds of the oppressed and became symbols of hope. Though colonial powers tried to erase their influence and discredit them, they often failed. In some cases, however, colonial governments succeeded in destabilising the liberation effort. For example, in the Congo, Patrice Lumumba was assassinated in 1961 with foreign backing. In Ghana, Kwame Nkrumah was overthrown in a coup in 1966, a move partly facilitated by declining domestic support and international opposition.
Jomo Kenyatta, Kenya’s founding president, played a leading role in the country’s liberation and was widely admired both within Kenya and abroad for his vision of a democratic Kenya. However, like many African leaders, his legacy was later clouded by accusations of corruption.
Liberation movements in Africa have largely failed to provide effective leadership, both in government and in society. Some have identified corruption as a core issue. However, corruption is only part of the problem. The bigger picture is that the structure of the economy, working to maximize profits for the imperialists and their local lackeys, stayed more or less the same.
The unwillingness/inability to change the power structure and involve in democratic decision-making the majority of society, has led to a “strongman” cult of personality.
Many leaders developed a sense of entitlement, believing the state owed them and their families privileged lives as a reward for their role in the struggle. This entitlement mindset remains entrenched among many former freedom fighters, who feel deserving of leadership positions—and some have gone so far as to kill political opponents to maintain power. Present-day examples of political violence linked to liberation legacies can be seen in countries like Uganda and Mozambique.
These former liberators see themselves as “eternal rulers,” unwilling to relinquish power out of fear of losing wealth and influence. Their control over security forces and electoral commissions allows them to rig elections and suppress dissent.
If liberation movements are not removed through elections, frustrated civilians—often with the backing of the military—resort to overthrowing them by force. This happens because liberation movements have failed to deliver on the needs and interests of the people. The case of Burkina Faso is not unique. Between 2022 and 2023, countries such as Mali, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, and Niger also experienced military coups. These events suggest that military takeovers in Africa are far from over. People are increasingly fed up with liberation movements that exploit the poor and marginalised.
Some examples include:
- Zimbabwe (ZANU–PF) – Robert Mugabe ruled from 1980 to 2017, suppressing opposition and manipulating elections. His successor, Emmerson Mnangagwa, has continued in a similar direction.
- Angola (MPLA) – In power since 1975, the party has retained control through electoral manipulation and centralised rule.
- Eritrea (PFDJ) – Led by Isaias Afwerki, it remains one of the most militarised and authoritarian regimes on the continent.
- Uganda (NRM) – Yoweri Museveni, a former rebel leader, has ruled since 1986 and amended the constitution to extend his tenure indefinitely.
- Algeria (FLN) – Abdelaziz Bouteflika was forced to resign in 2019 after mass protests, ending a 20-year rule.
- Namibia (SWAPO) – Managed to retain power in the most recent election, but only by a narrow margin.
The Way Forward
The struggle of African people has continued for over a century—a struggle against imperialism, neo-colonialism, and now neoliberalism. Across the continent, we have witnessed a series of political actions: mass protests, general strikes, and civil disobedience. However, these efforts are often undermined by the crisis of leadership and the absence of mass-based left parties.
Trade unions in Africa remain a part of the resistance against ruling elites, but many of their victories remain incomplete or unfulfilled. Numerous social movements have emerged in recent years, yet few have managed to offer a clear ideological direction or build a movement capable of achieving the systemic change that people demand.
Meanwhile, Africa’s vast resources continue to be plundered, with little to no benefit for the people. The legacy of past struggles is often tied to Stalinism, and its “popular front” policies, which shaped many of the former liberation movements. According to this failed approach, movements had to tail-end the “progressive section of the bourgeoisie” in their countries. This tied the hands of the movement to the capitalist framework, which eventually ended up replacing colonial rule with a neo-colonial arrangement. In this arrangement, the leaders of liberation movements, as long as they accepted the continuation of imperialist exploitation, were co-opted in the establishment.
The Revolutionary Socialist Movement is part of the daily struggles of African people. We call for unity among working people and the building of a mass-based, working-class alternative capable of breaking the grip of local puppet elites and foreign interests. But this struggle must be rooted in a socialist programme—one that harnesses Africa’s abundant resources to serve the needs of its people, not the interests of the few.
Only in this direction can a genuine hope for a new liberation of Africa be found. We are determined to build a revolutionary Marxist organisation that will offer clear political solutions to the many problems confronting the people of Africa, and which can play a role in the uprooting of the capitalist system and the true liberation of our people.
